The President made it clear why he celebrated Sunday’s result: he feels that he went from the risk of an early end to a recovery outlook
“There is 2023”: that was the synthesis of Alberto Fernández’s message and what Peronism celebrated after the electoral comeback of the legislative elections.
For the President, it has possibly been the happiest day since his inauguration: not only did he breathe relieved to feel his survival in power assured – he himself recalled in his speech how last week it was speculated that Congress defines the presidential succession in the midst of economic chaos – but also feels empowered.
The massive act in Plaza de Mayo implied a demonstration of the unity of Peronism, which, translated into the language of the markets, implies the political and social sustainability necessary to carry out an economic reform program without generating internal resistance. That was ultimately what the International Monetary Fund had requested as a condition for signing an agreement: that a guarantee be given that whoever signed would have political control of the country.
But, in addition, the day of the militancy was for Alberto almost a declaration of personal independence. The President had his “Plaza del Sí”. As happened to other presidents who, in moments of weakness, received a public demonstration of support, this political event represents a turning point. It happened to Carlos Menem, Mauricio Macri and Cristina Kirchner herself.
The full square was a turning point because, for the first time since he assumed the presidency, Alberto was able to massively convene an event without having to depend on a militancy “borrowed” from Cristina Kirchner. As the pre-electoral polls made clear, among the voters of the Frente de Todos there were more than 60% who recognized Cristina as the leader of the space.
But now, with a presence very in the background –and not to be left out of the picture- on the part of La Cámpora, it was shown that Alberto has a potential base of his own support. The unions, the peronism of the suburbs led by mayors -Which take credit for the electoral comeback-, the conservative Peronism of the northern provinces, supporters of centrist and middle-class Peronism who identify with Sergio Massa, those were the ones that made up the albertista square.
In other words, from your moment of greatest weakness, the President began to feel “empowered” and with an explicit demonstration of support for himself. For the first time in this period of Government, songs of support dedicated to Alberto and not Cristina were heard.
Possibly the President, who always mentions Nestor Kirchner Like his teacher, he recalled that an obsession of the late president was to achieve a network of his own political support, which would allow him to become independent from the borrowed power that Hugo Moyano gave him.
Paradoxically, now the Moyano were the ones who helped Alberto to become independent from Cristina’s audit, who did not attend the event or speak publicly.
Unions and picketer movements were the bulk of the concurrence in the massive act of support for Alberto Fernández
Trade unionists claim prominence
Of course, everyone within Peronism understood that this new support for the President will not be free. Everyone present, from the new leadership of the CGT to the picketers of the Evita Movement, and from the “barons” of the suburbs to the governors who achieved electoral victories in the midst of adversity. they went to pass their bills.
The President knows it and, just in case it was not like that, already in the previous one there were those who were in charge of reminding him. For example, him brand new triumvir of the CGT Pablo Moyano, who wants to assert his combative stamp to counterbalance with the dialogist style of the “fat men”.
“It was reflected that both the political and union militancy have taken charge of the last coup that the PASO had been,” the trucker leader had said, making it clear that he assigns unionism an important role in the political recovery.
And, regarding the meaning of the CGT’s presence at the event, he left no doubts: “We must demonstrate to the national government the total unity of the labor movement and Peronism, which has as its next objective, not only to be in the streets, but present policies in defense of workers “.
The warning is clear: the CGT he does not want to limit himself to arguing jointly and to bring people in the street at the time of the events, but rather want a leading role: a chair in the place where the central decisions of the country’s economic and labor policy are made. Historically, it had been a never satisfied demand while Cristina was the one who was in the Casa Rosada and Hugo Moyano had emerged as her main questioner.
Trade unionists have a long list of issues of interest to vindicate, from public works funds to the perennial debates on union framing for new forms of work. For now, they received a nod from the President, who made reference to the fact that wages would not be punished by the Income Tax.
Another specific audience that contributed a large column in the square was that of the picketers, in particular the Evita Movement, which has maintained an ambiguous role. He is, on the one hand, an ally of the Government – and even has leaders who are civil servants – but he has been very critical of social assistance policies, to the point that eroded the power of former minister Daniel Arroyo, who they accused of not keeping their promises of financial aid.
Alberto, who the week before the elections saw how the actions of the Frente de Todos occurred simultaneously with picket protests, It is clear that a priority objective is to channel that piquetera militancy in the form of support for the Government and not in a sharpening of the protest in front of the building with the giant Evita. Above all, when the end of the year approaches, and the classic ghosts of looting and social overflow in the suburbs are reborn.
The bill of mayors and governors
But if there is someone with whom Alberto Fernández feels particularly indebted, it is with the mayors of the suburbs and with the governors of the northern provinces. There were not only the biggest electoral comebacks, but something perhaps more important politically happened: a limit to the advance of Kirchnerism was possible.
Not by chance, the first thing the President did after Sunday’s “victory” was to meet with Martín Insaurralde, the “controller” of the Buenos Aires government who coordinated with the other mayors to mobilize the party apparatus and improve the level of attendance at the polls. Alberto promised that he would comply with Insaurralde’s main claim: that no matter how tough the economic program had to be, the budget items for public works for the suburbs would not be chosen as an adjustment variable.
Also, before the act, the President received the governor of Chaco, Jorge “Coqui” Capitanich, a symbol of the ability of the Peronist apparatus to turn an election, using the “tools of Peronist politics.”
Cristina, the great absentee from the act, was alluded to by Alberto, who assures that he has his support for the economic plan
Messages to Cristina and Macri
And, finally, Alberto Fernández’s invocation of the “unity” of the Frente de Todos also had a different meaning this time. Before, when she asked for that unity, a plea was interpreted that she not be deprived of political support in a moment of crisis: now, on the other hand, that appeal is almost a warning to Cristina Kirchner, in the sense that she I would have more to lose than to gain if he decided to break with the coalition.
Alberto Fernández was explicit about how he interprets the electoral result of the legislative elections: it is the platform that will enable victory in 2023, a project that no one in the Frente de Todos will want to be left out.
As a dessert for a perfect day for Alberto, he could even afford attempt a split in opposition: called again for a dialogue – of which he knows that the leaders of Together for Change They cannot refuse – but he did it with criticism of Mauricio Macri. A bet that, while he consolidates the unity of the ruling party, the opposition suffers a fissure. And all within the framework of an agreement with the IMF that clears the financial outlook for the next two years.
“Triumph is not winning, but never giving up,” the President wrote on social networks, along with photos of the event, in a summary of his message: he may have had fewer votes last Sunday, but he is the one with the most To celebrate. Nothing less than to have dispelled the ghosts of an anticipated end of his government.
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